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# Highly Recommended《Bran-New + Hardcover Edition + Former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair Biography》Francis Beckett + David Hencke + Nick Kochan - BLAIR Inc.: The Man Behind the Mask

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This New York Times and The Guardian bestseller in hardcover edition is a bran-new book and still wrapped with new-book plastic wrapper. The original new book is sold at usual price RM119.70 (Hardcover). Now here Only at RM30. Anthony Charles Lynton Blair (born 6 May 1953) is a British politician who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1997 to 2007 and Leader of the Labour Party from 1994 to 2007. He previously served as Leader of the Opposition before becoming Prime Minister. Blair remains the last British Labour Party leader to have won a general election. From 1983 to 2007, Blair was the Member of Parliament (MP) for Sedgefield. He was elected Labour Party leader in July 1994, following the sudden death of his predecessor, John Smith, who together with his predecessor, Neil Kinnock, had started to move the party closer to the political centre, in the hope of winning power. Under Blair's leadership, the party used the phrase "New Labour", to distance it from previous Labour policies and the traditional conception of socialism. Blair declared support for a new conception that he referred to as "social-ism", involving politics that recognised individuals as socially interdependent, and advocated social justice, cohesion, the equal worth of each citizen, and equal opportunity, also referred to as the Third Way. Blair was succeeded as Leader of the Labour Party and as Prime Minister by Gordon Brown in June 2007. On the day that Blair resigned as Prime Minister, he was appointed the official Special Envoy of the Quartet on the Middle East, an office which he held until May 2015. He now runs the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change. On 27 June 2007, Blair officially resigned as Prime Minister after ten years in office, and he was officially confirmed as Middle East envoy for the United Nations, European Union, United States, and Russia.Blair originally indicated that he would retain his parliamentary seat after his resignation as Prime Minister came into effect; however, on being confirmed for the Middle East role he resigned from the Commons by taking up an office of profit. President George W. Bush had preliminary talks with Blair to ask him to take up the envoy role. White House sources stated that "both Israel and the Palestinians had signed up to the proposal". On 27 May 2015, Blair wrote to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon to confirm his resignation as Middle East envoy. In May 2008, Blair announced a new plan for peace and for Palestinian rights, based heavily on the ideas of the Peace Valley plan. Take a closer look at the world of Tony Blair, whose private financial dealings within a complex web of business relationships he tries to keep hidden from the public eye. The story begins on 27 June 2007. That was the day Tony Blair officially resigned as Prime Minister, he was also appointed as Middle East Peace Envoy, and Set about making himself seriously Rich..... Since leaving office in 2007, the secretive empire of Tony Blair has grown exponentially. As a businessman he has been unprecedentedly successful for a former public servant, with a large property portfolio and an estimated £80 million of earnings accrued in just a few short years. But how has he managed to achieve this? In January 2008, it was confirmed that Blair would be joining investment bank JPMorgan Chase in a "senior advisory capacity" and that he would advise Zurich Financial Services on climate change. His salary for this work is unknown, although it has been claimed it may be in excess of £500,000 per year. Blair also gives lectures, earning up to US$250,000 for a 90-minute speech, and in 2008 he was said to be the highest paid speaker in the world. Yale University announced on 7 March 2008 that Blair will teach a course on issues of faith and globalisation at the Yale Schools of Management and Divinity as a Howland distinguished fellow during the 2008–09 academic year. In July 2009, this accomplishment was followed by the launching of the Faith and Globalisation Initiative with Yale University in the US, Durham University in the UK, and the National University of Singapore in Asia, to deliver a postgraduate programme in partnership with the Foundation. Blair's links with, and receipt of an undisclosed sum from, UI Energy Corporation, have also been subject to media comment in the UK. In July 2010 it was reported that his personal security guards claimed £250,000 a year in expenses from the tax payer, Foreign Secretary William Hague said; "we have to make sure that [Blair's security] is as cost-effective as possible, that it doesn't cost any more to the taxpayer than is absolutely necessary".[183] Being an ex-Prime Minister comes with certain advantages, and besides his excellent state pension and 24-hour security team, Blair enjoys the best contacts that money can buy—as do those willing to pay him for access to them. Consequently, Tony Blair Associates’ clients can be found around the world, and include the morally distasteful presidents of Kazakhstan and Burma. Blair's financial assets are structured in a complicated manner, and as such estimates of their extent vary widely.These include figures of up to £100 million; Blair has stated he is worth less than a "fifth of that". A 2015 assertion, by Francis Beckett, David Hencke and Nick Kochan, concluded that Blair had acquired $90 million and a property portfolio worth $37.5 million in the eight years since he had left office. There is also Blair’s role as special envoy in the Middle East. While his record as a peacemaker is in doubt, the position has brought him into contact with a variety of oil-rich potentates in the region who now number among his most profitable clients. Blair Inc.: The Man behind the Mask takes a close look at the world that Blair attempts to hide from scrutiny—his own. From the complex financial structures he uses to hide his profits—and the amount of tax he pays—to the multiple conflicts of interest produced by his increasing web of relationships, this book attempts to expose the dubious private dealings of this very public figure. This is an illuminating book that sheds light on what Tony Blair has been up to since his days as Prime Minister. The authors have uncovered a lot of disturbing facts about the kinds of people he is willing to do business with. The book appears well researched and definitely raises questions about Blair's ethics. Overall, an interesting read which shows the negative effect of politics, power, influence and money. The Guardian Review : During the early stages of the recent election campaign, Tony Blair emerged to deliver a speech in support of the Labour party’s European policy and to declare that he was backing Ed Miliband “100%”. The decision to make use of his predecessor in this way cannot have been easy for Miliband, as Blair remains potentially toxic, not least to many in the party itself, but doubtless he could not risk offering a rebuff. Blair’s motivation remains more obscure: previously he had done little to conceal his dislike of Miliband’s political approach, and he probably feels more than a little vindicated by Labour’s defeat. Certainly, a lot of people would reject with a laugh the idea that he said what he did because he genuinely believed it. As this book shows, Blair has made little constructive effort in the years since he left office to re-establish his reputation. He has been much more interested in making money. The authors, all journalists, have done their best to uncover the details of Blair’s post-Downing Street activities. They have been frustrated, at many turns, by the extreme secrecy that surrounds his various operations. They recount how the Tony Blair Faith Foundation refused to tell them the location of its Marble Arch offices (which in fact they already knew). Blair’s staff habitually reject estimates of his earnings as inaccurate but refuse to provide alternative figures. Beckett, Hencke and Kochan speculate that he has not accepted a seat in the House of Lords because that would open his income up to greater scrutiny. Practically no one who has worked with him has been prepared to go on the record. And in spite of their best efforts, the writers have not uncovered any new “killer facts” and are obliged to engage in a degree of speculation. The book collages a substantial volume of information, using it as the basis for a compelling indictment. There is no suggestion that Blair has done anything illegal. However, he has succeeded in making himself seriously rich by engaging in a range of ethically dubious pursuits. Meanwhile, concrete achievements are few and far between. He has had a variety of roles. First there was his position as the representative in the Middle East of the Quartet – the UN, the EU, the US and Russia – from which he has just resigned. Blair’s job was to implement the Quartet’s development agenda, and “to spearhead transformative economic change”. Yet, as the authors rightly point out, this was bound to be a thankless task in the absence of a meaningful peace process; they also suggest that he has been indolent and insufficiently willing to challenge Israeli power. They argue that Blair’s “commercial interests and those in his role as envoy” appeared “to overlap significantly”. This second set of activities – his business ones – involve providing consultancy to governments, including those where his Quartet position may have helped him build contacts, such as with the emir of Kuwait. Finally, there are his Faith Foundation, his Sports Foundation, his Africa Governance Initiative (AGI), and a modest amount of climate-change work. The structures of his various organisations are opaque, and how much time Blair spends on philanthropy and how much on paid work is unclear. What is certain, though, is that he is willing to work for some murky clients. The most notorious of these is Nursultan Nazarbayev, who has been president of Kazakhstan since 1991, ruthlessly maintaining his grip on power. (This April he secured a further term with nearly 98% of the vote.) Blair appeared in a pro-Nazarbayev propaganda video called In the Stirrups of Time and has made speeches praising the country’s economic achievements. He also advised the president on a 2012 address he gave in Cambridge in the wake of a police massacre of oil workers. Blair told him to meet the issue “head on” and to emphasise that “these events, tragic thought they were, should not obscure the enormous progress that Kazakhstan has made”. From a PR point of view it was probably wise counsel, but perhaps it doesn’t require 10 years as PM to come up with this type of insight. At the height of her troubles, Blair told Rebekah Brooks to “keep strong” and “take sleeping pills”; at least she wasn’t paying for the advice. The book is consistently judgmental, but in only one or two points does it stray from fairness. If some of the staff of the AGI have ended up performing good work in the battle against Ebola, it seems rough to twit them for indulging in “management speak” as they carry it out. The critique of Blair’s view of Islam – derived from a single questionable speech he made in the aftermath of the murder of Lee Rigby – is insufficiently developed. It is undoubtedly true, though, that Blair is in denial about the effect of his own foreign policies as prime minister in stoking the rise of Islamic extremism. Yet in spite of Beckett, Hencke and Kochan’s commendable research efforts, Blair himself remains somewhat elusive in their account. They write that “the shameless deference Blair shows to politicians who flout every democratic principle and lock up opponents and who are brazenly corrupt is sharply at odds with the values he once espoused”. But the misdeeds of Blair’s government (such as colluding with the Gaddafi regime’s kidnap and torture of Libyan dissidents) far outstrip any he has committed since leaving No 10. Certainly, narcissism and love of money are important aspects of Blair’s character. But his habit of getting cosy with tyrants is not just about ego and personal enrichment; arguably, it is in line with his longstanding preference for “effective” government over democratic government, itself possibly a product of his own difficulties in office. We may not like Blair’s convictions but we cannot understand his behaviour fully unless we admit both that they exist and that – as the Labour leadership debates are now demonstrating – they are of continuing relevance to today’s scene. Perhaps if he had been more careful of his personal reputation, his political principles would stand a chance of wider current acceptance. About the Author Francis Beckett is a journalist, broadcaster, playwright, and historian. He is the author of 16 books, including Marching to the Fault Line, Money Makes You Happy, and The Survivor: Tony Blair in Peace and War. David Hencke is a journalist and writer, and was named Political Journalist of the Year at the British Journalism Awards in 2012. He is the author of Colleges in Crisis, The Blairs and their Court, and Marching to the Fault Line. Nick Kochan is a financial and political journalist and the author of Bankrupt!: The BCCI Fraud, Corruption: The New Corporate Challenge, and What Happened?: And Other Questions Everyone is Asking About the Credit Crunch.

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